Daughter of former Ghanaian President Dr. Hilla Limann and wife to musician Reggie Rockstone, Dr. Zilla Limann, expresses dismay over the lack of recognition for her late father’s contributions to the nation’s development.
She revealed that there was a deliberate effort by the Provisional Defence Council (PNDC) government during the coup d’état era to erase Dr. Hilla Limann’s accomplishments from Ghana’s history. This included the burning of documents containing his achievements.
Dr. Zilla Limann pointed out that due to these actions, her father, Dr. Hilla Limann, does not receive adequate recognition in the country as a former president. The information about him in history books is limited due to the deliberate erasure of his feats.
“When the coup d’etat happened and the after-effects of the coup d’etat, one of the things that the PNDC government did was to consciously erase a lot of things about Dr. Hilla Limann. They erased, so literally, from the bizarre burning of GBC to whatever.
“They erased everything or almost everything. So you know that you’ll notice that when we go back into history, it is very hard to find things on Dr. Hilla Limann. If you go back to what we studied in school, it was always just glossed over,” she said during an interview with 3FM monitored by GhanaWeb.
She added that a foundation she founded has taken up the task of ensuring that Dr. Hilla Limann’s accomplishments as a former president are known to the public and that he is acknowledged in history books as well.
“Now that the foundation has been formed and we are putting things together, that’s one of the things we want to do to create more awareness. To get people to know about him [Dr. Hilla Limann], about what he did, the impact he had, how he contributed to the building of our motherland today, and what he probably could have done if his rule hadn’t been prematurely terminated.”
Six people have been found guilty of conspiracy to commit high treason and committing high treason by a High Court in Ghana, in relation to an alleged coup plot to overthrow the government.
The six are Donya Kafui, alias Ezor, Bright Allan Debrah Ofosu, Yohannes Zikpi, Warrant Officer Class Two Esther Saan Dekuwine, Lance Corporal Ali Solomon, and Corporal Sylvester Akanpewon.
They were part of a group of ten accused of plotting to destabilise the country and overthrow President Nana Akufo-Addo in 2019.
However, three of the accused, Assistant Commissioner of Police Benjamin Agordzo, Colonel Samuel Kodzo Gameli, and Corporal Seidu Abubakar, were acquitted and discharged by the court on Wednesday.
The tenth accused, Dr. Frederick Yao Mac-Palm, the late Chief Executive Officer of Citadel Hospital, died in custody in October 2020. His testimony was removed from the records by the court.
The judgment, delivered by a three-member panel of judges, was scheduled for November 22, 2023, after the submission of written arguments by the prosecution and the defence.
The prosecution, led by Attorney General Godfred Yeboah Dame, presented 13 witnesses, including seven soldiers, to prove their case.
The defence team, composed of lawyers from Legal Aid and private practitioners, argued that the accused were innocent and that the evidence was insufficient and fabricated.
The court, presided over by Justice Afia Serwah Asare-Botwe, found that the prosecution had established beyond reasonable doubt that the six convicted persons had conspired and acted together to overthrow the government by force.
The court also found that ACP Agordzo, Colonel Gameli, and Corporal Abubakar had no direct involvement in the plot and that their actions did not amount to abetment.
The court adjourned the case to December 15, 2023, for sentencing.
The convicted persons face a maximum penalty of death by hanging, according to the Criminal Offences Act of Ghana.
The alleged coup plot was uncovered by a joint operation by the Bureau of National Investigations and the Defence Intelligence in September 2019.
The security agencies claimed that they had seized several weapons, explosives, and ammunition from a makeshift hospital in Alajo, a suburb of Accra, where Dr. Mac-Palm and his accomplices were planning to execute their plan.
The security agencies also alleged that the accused had planned to target key installations, such as the Jubilee House, the seat of the presidency, the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, the police headquarters, and the military barracks.
The accused denied the charges and maintained that they were victims of political persecution and witch-hunt.
The trial, which began in June 2021, attracted public attention and controversy, as it involved senior police and military officers, who were accused of supporting the plot.
The case also raised questions about the state of security and democracy in Ghana, which is widely regarded as a stable and peaceful country in West Africa.
Political analyst, Yaw Asani Tanoh, is of the assertion that retired Commissioner of Police (COP) George Alex Mensah, is susceptible to involvement in a coup d’état over his inability to become Inspector General of Police (IGP).
In recent weeks, the now-retired police commissioner gained significant public attention in Ghana due to the leak of a voice recording in which he purportedly discusses the performance of the current Inspector General of Police (IGP), George Akuffo Dampare, and advocates for his removal from office, citing mismanagement of the Ghana Police Service.
The leaked audio recording is currently under investigation by a parliamentary ad hoc committee. COP George Alex Mensah and other police officers have already appeared before the committee to provide their testimonies regarding the leaked recording. He has accused the IGP of masterminding the secret recording and its presence to the public. The IGP, has however, denied these claims.
In an interview on Neat FM, Yaw Asani Tanoh noted that the retired officer harbours bitterness, per his comments made to the media over the leaked tape, as such is peeved and may decide to engage in unlawful acitivities.
He likened COP Alex Mensah to the late retired General Joseph Arthur Ankrah, Ghana’s first military head of state, following the coup against Ghana’s first President Dr Kwame Nkrumah. He explained that General Ankrah participated in the ousting of Dr Nkrumah, over his forced retirement.
He said: “At a point, the Chairman of the Committee asked him why he is describing himself as best investigative officer. If indeed you are, you should have know that whichever meeting you were going to have with anybody was very sensitive and for that matter you should have been careful the way you go about.
“But you went ahead and spilled the beans. After the leaked tape, you came out to the public to spill bananas. So everyone watching and listening would say what wicked people.
“I will remind you of Kwame Nkrumah. He retired General Ankrah because of incompetence and backbiting. Because of his dealings in diamonds and other things. At the time, Nkrumah wanted to ensure that in the Police administration, they would not engage in profiteering within the system.
After he retired, Ankrah, when the coup was staged, Ankrah was one of the pivots around the coup. He was chosen as head of state after the coup. From the history I’ve heard, if you look at COP Alex Mensah’s demeanor and everything, he is a very right tool for coup d’état.
He therefore said “even in his retirement, he (COP Alex Mensah) should be watched carefully.
“He is peeved. He is hurt that he was not appointed IGP. He is very bitter,” he added.
Commissioner of Police (COP) George Alex Mensah officially retired from the Police Service on Sunday, September 17, 2023, upon reaching the mandatory retirement age of sixty (60), in accordance with the country’s laws.
Over his more than 30 years of dedicated service in the police force, COP Alex Mensah held various positions. Prior to proceeding on leave in preparation for his retirement, he served as the director general overseeing all Police operations nationwide.
With regards to a coup d’etat, Ghana is on the alert owing to a number of military takeovers in Africa, particularly the West African sub-region.
Democratic governance in countries such as Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have tumbled down.
President Akufo-Addo has called on Ghanaians to throw their support behind his government to complete its 4-year tenure successfully.
Addressing a valedictory service for outgoing chairperson of Akyem Abuakwa Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana, Rev. Dr. Seth Kissi, at Kyebi in the Eastern Region on August 29, the president noted that it is his dream to continue serving with integrity and humility.
According to President Akufo-Addo, his dream cannot be materialised should the peace the country enjoys be disrupted, thus entreated all to pray for Ghana’s peace.
“At the end of my tenure of office on 7th January 2025, I want with humility to be able to say just as St. Paul did in 2 Timothy 4:7-8 that I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith. Now there is in store for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, will award to me on that day—and not only to me, but also to all who have longed for his appearing,” he said.
He added: “Pray for me and the people I have appointed to various positions with responsibilities that we will continue to exercise our responsibilities with humility and integrity.
“Pray for Ghana that it remains united in peace and continues to thrive for progress and prosperity. I continue to abide in faith in the Almighty God to help advance the fortunes of our nation accompanied by appropriate policies, determination, and hard work on our part.”
He made the comment at a time when the African continent, particularly West Africa, has witnessed an alarming number of military takeover.
Since 2020, eight coups have been executed successfully. Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea, Niger have experienced military takeover. The most recent is Gabon, where President Ali Bongo, on August 30, was placed under house arrest by the military.
The trend of military takeover has been condemned by the African Union and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
Some security experts have cited bad governance, extension of tenure, human insecurity as some factors for the removal of democratic elected leaders.
The government of Ghana has been cautioned to right its wrongs to prevent a military takeover.
President Akufo-Addo assumed office on January 7, 2017, with ambitious promises that included a transformation of the economy within 18 months and a robust stance against corruption. These pledges had played a significant role in his victory and the success of the ruling New Patriotic Party in the 2016 Presidential election.
While the administration did deliver on some of its commitments, notably the implementation of the Free Senior High School program, a substantial portion of the Ghanaian populace is disheartened by the economy’s lackluster performance and the escalating instances of corruption.
In January 2023, Ghana witnessed a startling surge in year-on-year inflation, reaching a record high of 54.1%. This was accompanied by a notable spike in food inflation, which stood at 59.7%, and a staggering 71.4% increase in transportation costs.
The country was eventually compelled to enter into a $3 billion IMF bailout program due to the unsustainable levels of debt the economy had accrued. As part of their commitment to the conditions set forth by the IMF, the government has initiated a domestic debt exchange programme.
A security analyst, Emmanuel Kotin, has emphasized that the most effective means of preventing military coups is through the establishment of good governance.
Kotin’s remarks come in the wake of a recent coup in Gabon, during which military officers took control and invalidated the results of the recent presidential election, which had been won by President Ali Bongo.
Kotin told Umaru Sanda Amadu in an interview on Eyewitness News on Citi FM in Accra on Wednesday that “if you look at the history of Francophone countries, it has always been a system where a family will rule for a long period of time, following the tenets of their colonial masters. In Gabon, for example, one family has been able to rule the country for over 50 years. So Francophone countries have a peculiar problem. But there is also a mix of factors at play, due to globalization and the export of culture.”
“People are increasingly becoming aware of their rights, and you see that we have older people who are ruling younger people… and not giving them the opportunity, and they don’t seem to get their way out, it goes through some form of triggers and when it explodes these are some of the things that happen. So it is a wake-up call that good governance, nothing but good governance is the panacea to stopping these military coups.”
Gabon’s President Ali Bongo has released a video on social media, urging his international allies to raise their voices against the coup.
In the video, President Bongo reassures the public that he and his family are safe. He expresses uncertainty about the situation unfolding in the country and calls on his friends worldwide to bring attention to the coup.
“Nothing is happening. I don’t know what is going on.”
He again urges his “friends” to speak up, before thanking them.
Executive Director for the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP), Chukwuemeka Eze, has raised concerns about the possibility of more military takeovers in Africa if the ongoing situation in Niger is not effectively addressed.
The warning comes as tensions continue to rise in the West African nation.
Mr Eze in an interview on JoyNews, emphasised the urgent need for swift and comprehensive action to prevent the situation from escalating further, stressing that the potential fallout from the situation could have far-reaching implications for the stability of the region.
“We did our analysis and we felt that there could be two more [situations] if nothing is done in Niger and that’s not a trajectory that we want to go again. This is becoming very very very worrisome,” he added.
Niger, a landlocked country in West Africa, has been grappling with political turmoil in recent months. The concerns stem from a combination of factors, including political dissent, economic challenges, and social unrest.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has intervened in the situation and has ordered ‘immediate activation’ of the standby force in Niger to restore democracy.
Speaking on the development, the security analyst entreated ECOWAS to take decisive action in handling the crisis.
“I think the fundamentals for me is whether there’s an existing protocol that forbids the coup d’etat in West Africa and whether these countries actually have ascribe to it through their national government,” he said.
“The fact that we did not act in Burkina or Mali the way we should act, also tells me that lessons are being learnt,” he added.
The analyst’s earlier prediction hinges on the notion that if the situation in Niger is not adequately addressed, it could serve as a precedent for similar events in other parts of the African continent. Military takeovers have historically been a concern in various African nations, and the analyst’s warning underscores the need for regional and international stakeholders to engage diplomatically and collaboratively to mitigate the risk.
The stability of African countries is crucial not only for their citizens but also for regional peace and security. The analyst’s warning serves as a call to action for leaders, diplomats, and international organizations to work together to find a peaceful resolution to the crisis in Niger.
Ghanaian onion sellers are facing the prospect of a supply crunch and a price hike as a result of the border restrictions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on Niger following a coup d’état last week.
The coup, which ousted President Mohamed Bazoum and put Colonel Major Amadou Abdramane in charge of a military junta, has triggered international condemnation and sanctions from ECOWAS, which include closing land and air borders, suspending commercial and financial transactions, and instituting a no-fly zone.
Niger is a major source of onions for Ghana, accounting for about 70 per cent of its imports. The other suppliers are Nigeria (20 per cent), Burkina Faso (five per cent), and local production (five per cent).
Mr Ali Umar, Public Relations Officer of the Onion Sellers Association of Ghana, told the Ghana News Agency that the border closure would have a negative impact on their business.
“If Niger’s borders remain closed for long, it will really affect our onion business. It will lead to hikes in prices,” he said.
He added that onion was a perishable commodity and that he hoped there would be some exemptions for it to be imported into Ghana amid the restrictions.
Niger is a major source of onions for Ghana
He said that in previous instances of border closures, especially in Burkina Faso, some commodities, especially onions, were allowed to move across.
He also said that Ghana was the largest exporter of salt to Niger and that the border closure would affect that trade as well.
“The countries should be able to negotiate so that foodstuffs can be distributed between Niger and the rest of the West African sub-region because people will need to eat to survive. If there is no movement of goods, there is going to be hardship,” he said.
Mr Emmanuel Doni-Kwame, Secretary-General of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), Ghana, said the border closure meant that other producers of onions would have to increase their output to fill the gap.
He said it was an opportunity for Ghana to boost its local production of onions and reduce its dependence on imports, and that if the gap was not filled, it would result in increased prices for consumers.
He expressed concern about the political situation in Niger and its implications for regional stability and security.
“The most important thing is to make sure there is enough security, there is respect for rule of law and human rights, and to make sure the economic system is not disrupted,” he said.
Niger is a key ally of the West in the fight against Islamist militancy in West Africa. It faces two insurgencies from groups affiliated with al-Qaeda and Islamic State in its south-eastern and south-western regions.
President Bazoum, who was democratically elected in 2021, is a close friend of France and other Western nations.
He has received support from the United States, the United Nations, the African Union, and the European Union.
However, some of Niger’s neighbours, such as Mali and Burkina Faso, which have also experienced coups in recent years, have defended the coup in Niger and even hinted at war.
They have also aligned themselves with Russia’s Wagner Group, a private military contractor that has been accused of human rights violations.
Niger has experienced four coups since independence from France in 1960. The latest coup attempt comes two days before Bazoum’s inauguration. His whereabouts are unclear, but he has tweeted that he is well and that his supporters will safeguard democracy.
New regulations that have been announced in state media seem to be intended to prevent any significant opposition to the military.
The strict new law on political parties that Myanmar’s military, which took control in a coup almost two years ago, has announced is likely to cause more concerns about the integrity of the elections that are scheduled for August.
The law, which repeals legislation from 2010, prohibits parties and candidates from supporting people or groups that have been “designated as committing terror acts” or are otherwise deemed to be “unlawful.”
Parties that want to contest the national election will also need to secure at least 100,000 members within three months of registration and have funds of 100 million Myanmar kyat ($45,500), 100 times more than previously. The money has to be deposited with the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank.
The law, signed by coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, was published in the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar on Friday.
The military detained elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and seized power on February 1, 2021, in the wake of an election that returned her National League for Democracy to office in a landslide.
The generals claimed without evidence that there was fraud in the poll. International monitors who observed the November 2020 election found it to be largely free and fair.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains hugely popular, has been jailed for more than 30 years following secretive trials on charges from illegally owning walkie-talkies to corruption that critics say are designed to remove her from the country’s political life. Other senior members of her party, including removed President Win Myint, have also been tried and jailed.
Amid widespread international criticism of the coup and sanctions from the United States and other countries, the military initially announced it would hold new elections within a year. It then backtracked to say they would be held between February and August 2023.
The new law states any existing party must apply for registration within two months of the legislation being announced or be “automatically invalidated”. Parties can also be suspended for three years, and ultimately dissolved, for failing to comply with the provisions of the new law.
The legislation also says parties are not allowed to lodge an appeal against election commission decisions on registration.
The coup plunged Myanmar into a political crisis as the military’s brutal crackdown on anti-coup protests led civilians to take up arms and join forces with ethnic armed groups in the country’s border regions.
Nearly 3,000 people have been killed by the military since it seized power, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a civil society group monitoring the crackdown.
Thousands more have been detained with groups fighting against the military designated as “terrorists”.
Interpol has issued a “red notice” for foreign nations to arrest a military officer accused of plotting to overthrow the government in The Gambia last month, according to local officials.
The “red notice” issued to Lamin Jadama, a low-ranking Gambian officer, means that eight officers have now been identified as suspects in the alleged coup plot.
According to Gambian officials, he is a fugitive from justice, and anyone caught assisting or conspiring with him will face legal consequences.
Seven of the accused have been arrested, including the alleged ringleader, Lance Corporal Sana Fadera.
They appeared in the High Court in the capital, Banjul, on charges of treason and conspiracy to commit felony.
Two civilians and a police officer were also in court on charges of treason and concealment of treason.
The accused were expected to file a plea, but this did not happen.
Instead, the case was postponed as the state did not file its indictment and two of the accused soldiers did not have legal representation
Justice Basiru Mahoney ordered the state to file the indictment by 23 January. He also ordered the two unrepresented soldiers to get lawyers or for the state to provide them with legal aid.
Radio France Internationale (RFI) has condemned the suspension of its broadcasts by Burkina Faso’s military government, calling accusations that it had aided “a desperate manoeuvre of terrorist groups” completely unfounded.
RFI’s management stated in a press release that the cut-off occurred without prior notice and without following the procedures outlined in the station’s broadcasting agreement with Burkina Faso’s Superior Council of Communication.
“The France Médias Monde Group will explore all avenues to restore RFI’s broadcasting, and recalls its unwavering commitment to the freedom to inform and to the professional work of its journalists,” the press release said.
Burkina Faso on Saturday ordered the immediate suspension of Radio France Internationale (RFI) broadcasts, accusing it of putting out a “message of intimidation” attributed to a “terrorist chief”.
It is the second West African country under military rule, after Mali, to take RFI off the airwaves this year.
RFI had contributed to “a desperate manoeuvre of terrorist groups” to dissuade thousands of Burkinabe citizens mobilised for the defence of the country, said Burkinabe government spokesman Jean Emmanuel Ouedraogo.
At the beginning of the week, the Al-Qaeda-affiliated Support Group for Islam and Muslims threatened in a video to attack villages defended by the pro-government VDP militia in Burkina Faso.
The VDP are civilian volunteers given two weeks’ military training to work alongside the army carrying out surveillance, information-gathering or escort duties.
The government had already, on November 3, protested the contents of the French broadcaster’s reports, said the government statement.
“Considering everything that has happened before, the government has decided on the immediate suspension, until further notice, of the broadcasting of Radio France Internationale’s programmes.”
The government also accused RFI of having relayed “misleading information” suggesting the leader of the Burkinabe junta, Captain Ibrahim Traore, had said there had been an attempted coup against him.
In Burkina Faso, RFI is broadcast on five FM relays, shortwave, free-to-air on several satellites and via some 50 partner radio stations.
It is followed each week by more than 40 percent of the population.
Wagdi Salih, a well-known Sudanese politician, was released from prison just one day before his civilian coalition was set to sign a first agreement with the military to end a political deadlock caused by an October 2021 coup.
Following the ouster of former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir in 2019, leftist politician Salih was in charge of an anti-corruption commission and was released on Sunday at a police station in the nation’s capital Khartoum.
Wagdi Salih
The generals who had been co-ruling with the civilian Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) until they staged their takeover attacked the committee, stalling the transition that was supposed to lead to democratic elections.
Salih and a policeman who had been on the committee were both released. His October arrest was seen as “purely political” by his FFC coalition.
Since the coup, Sudan has been without a prime minister, and its already-in-crisis economy has stagnated as a result of the suspension of billions of dollars in international financial aid.
The military and the FFC declared on Friday that they intended to sign a framework agreement for a civilian-led transition that would start after a final pact is inked, along with other groups.
The United Nations, the US, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, among others, have helped to organise talks.
Salih has been taken into custody by the authorities previously. Security incarcerated him forcibly in the capital city of Khartoum in February.
West Africa’s leaders on Sunday agreed to establish a regional peacekeeping force to intervene against jihadism and to help restore constitutional order in a region that has seen several coups over the last two years.
During an annual summit in the Nigerian capital of Abuja, President of the ECOWAS commission, Omar Alieu Touray said leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have decided to act to “take care of our own security in the region”
“The leaders are determined to establish a regional force that will intervene in the event of need, whether this is in the area of security, terrorism (or to) … restore constitutional order in member countries, ” a communique from the leaders said.
Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso have been hit by military coups in the last two years.
The three countries have been suspended from the decision-making bodies of ECOWAS.
Many countries, including Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, and southwards to the Gulf of Guinea are also ridden with a wave of jihadism
Their national militaries and security agencies have so far been unable to control the jihadist forces operating across borders, and have been cooperating with external actors such as the UN, France and Russia.
The 15-member political and economic bloc is yet to provide more details on how the force would be constituted but added that the region’s defense chiefs would convene next month to chalk out how it would operate.
On Sunday, the West African leaders also told Mali’s ruling junta to release, by the end of this month, 46 Ivory Coast troops it has held since July.
Ivory Coast says the troops were sent to provide backup for the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, MINUSMA, and are being unfairly detained.
If the soldiers were not released, ECOWAS leaders said they “reserve the right and they have taken the decision to take certain measuresbut they would appeal and call on the authorities of Mali to release the soldiers.”
If elected president, Lula would likely be unable to lead a transformational, leftist agenda.
The theme of “return” has dominated the presidential election campaign in Brazil. Many think the country is either going to see the comeback of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, marking a second pink tide of progressive South American governments, or the return of the Workers’ Party (PT), removed from power after President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in 2016.
Or it is going to face a government takeover by forces associated with the military dictatorship (1964-1985) – right-wing defenders of family, tradition, and property and apologists for political violence and torture of political opponents.
There may be an element of truth to this interpretation, but sometimes turning to the past to make sense of the present can make it more difficult to discern the major differences between them. Indeed, if Lula were to win the presidential race, Brazil would not go back to the 2000s; nor is a military takeover led by his opponent, incumbent President Jair Bolsonaro, that likely.
The vote: The poor vs the poorer
While many saw the results of the October 2 elections as a clear victory for Lula and the Brazilian left, a closer look reveals a different reality. Lula obtained 57 million or 48 percent of the valid votes – less than what many polls predicted – which sent him to a run-off with Bolsonaro.
The incumbent president obtained 51 million votes, two million more than in the first round of the 2018 presidential election. This is despite the fact that his government failed in its economic policies, the management of the pandemic, the fight against corruption, and the climate change agenda, especially with regard to curbing Amazon deforestation.
In the parliamentary and governor elections, which also took place on October 2, the right-wing parties and, in particular, the far right, performed much better than forecasts showed. They won more representatives in the two houses of parliament than PT and its allies.
Among those elected to parliament were former Judge Sergio Moro, who led the anti-corruption probe that saw Lula jailed; Damares Alves, the loudest proponent of the “gender ideology” conspiracy theory, which claims family values are under threat; and former health minister Eduardo Pazuello, who mismanaged the pandemic response. They were all ministers in Bolsonaro’s government.
The elections did not see a massive migration of the votes from the poor to Lula and his party, as was expected in light of the pro-poor policies in his first two terms (2003-2010). In that period, the country experienced extraordinary economic growth combined with successful income distribution measures, which generated massive support among impoverished Brazilians for Lula in his bid for re-election in 2006. He ended his second term with an 80 percent popularity rating and a GDP growth of 7.5 percent.
Part of the reason why Lula was unable to rally all of his former electorates may be that financial aid programmes for disadvantaged families introduced by Bolsonaro to address the economic downturn during the pandemic were extended.
According to Giuseppe Cocco, a political science professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, another reason may be that the effect of anti-Bolsonarism was to some extent mitigated by anti-Lulism – the negative sentiment triggered by corruption cases against Lula and the PT that contributed to bringing Bolsonaro to power in the first place.
Furthermore, Cocco’s research shows that the incumbent attracted more votes than Lula from the “precariat” – Brazilians who are above the poverty line but, nevertheless, face constant economic insecurity. These are people who are microentrepreneurs, who have gig jobs, small businesses or who are self-employed. They struggle economically and seek the stability that the far-right promises.
The right-wing tendencies of this layer of Brazilian societybecame apparent ahead of the 2018 election when a truck drivers’ strike took place. The protest started over rising fuel prices but ended with calls by some participants for the army to intervene and “solve the problems” of the state. Bolsonaro backed the strike, which boosted his popularity ahead of the vote.
Lula, on the other hand, draws support from the poorest strata, those who are on the threshold of subsistence. They have been the beneficiaries of his signature social programme, the Bolsa Familia, which distributed conditional cash transfers.
The line between the two groups is blurred, but the tension between them over income and economic opportunity seems to provide a better explanation of the electoral results than a more simplistic analysis that paints Lula as the candidate of the poor and Bolsonaro – as the choice of the elites and the well-off.
A Brazilian Biden
The campaign rhetoric Lula adopted was also quite different from previous elections. Unlike in the past, when he openly clashed with the elites, this time around, the PT candidate presented himself as the candidate of the system, as a “Brazilian Biden”, so to speak, putting an end to a Trumpist interlude.
He gathered an extraordinarily broad front, which included almost the entire left opposition, but also the main representatives of economic power from various sectors, social democrats, conservative liberals, the leftist environmentalist Marina Silva, former officials, such as the social-democratic liberal Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and others.
His campaign was also not dominated by street mobilisation or sharp factionalism. On the contrary, there were explicit guidelines to supporters not to confront the voters of the other candidate, and even to deemphasise the PT’s traditional colour red at campaign events.
Although his coalition had prepared a leftist political programme, Lula ignored it in the debates, sidestepped it in speeches to voters and the media, and stressed on several occasions that he would not take divisive positions, especially when it comes to his plans for the economy. Throughout the campaign, he built an image as the promoter of peace, indicating the need to resolve the conflicts that are multiplying in and between different social segments.
Bolsonaro and the Bolsonarist forces, on the other hand, fully occupied the anti-systemic political space. The incumbent spent the election campaign making verbal attacks against the corporate media – especially against the biggest TV network, Globo – the Brazilian Supreme Court and universities.
In a country that has traditionally seen intimidation, blackmail, and the murder of electoral opponents in urban peripheries and in the hinterland, Bolsonaro’s rhetoric put Brazil at risk of widespread politically motivated violence. A number of murders were attributed to feuds between sympathisers of the two candidates, while a video of a Bolsonaro supporter licking the barrel of a shotgun went viral.
Diminished appetite for a coup
Despite Bolsonaro’s incitement and heightened fears of violence, it is unlikely that a victory for Lula in the run-off would be challenged by the military. Even the prospect of an invasion of the Congress building in Brasilia – like the one that happened in January 2021 in the US – seems less likely.
The army’s top generals have given clear signals that whoever wins at the polls will assume the presidency. Furthermore, foreign powers, such as the Biden administration, have indicated that they would not support anti-democratic ventures.
Bolsonaro has been ambiguous about accepting the results. However, the fact that right-wing parties and far-right politicians won the majority of seats in parliament has diminished the appetite for coup talk.
Whatever the outcome of the election, the struggle for safeguarding minority rights, improving public services, expanding social programmes, protecting the environment, and embracing a security paradigm that is not guided by state violence against underserved populations will remain difficult. A victory for Bolsonaro, which is quite unlikely, would consolidate the far-right takeover of the state, leading to more policies aimed at dismantling public services, destroying the environment, and systematically sabotaging minority protections and academic institutions.
A win for Lula, which seems more likely, would also pose great challenges. Given the dominance of the right in parliament, it would be difficult to push through progressive policies. Social movements, collectives, and activists would have to focus on the defence of the government, which would take away energy and resources from ongoing struggles, as happened during the 2016 impeachment process against Dilma. The PT and its supporters would face a radicalised and armed opposition on the ground committed to defending “true Christianity”, “family values” and traditional gender roles. In this context, a Lula victory would not mean a return to the “happy Brazil” of the 2000s, as his campaign suggested.
The way out of the deep crisis that Brazil has plunged into in the last decade could be a Brazilian New Deal that pushes through much-needed structural changes in labour law and market, supports the creative role of minorities, and embraces the centrality of the global environmental agenda, something that Lula seems far from being able to lead, as corruption scandals and worn-off populist rhetoric have broken his spell.
But his election could at least provide an opportunity to seek reconciliation and rebuild bridgesbetween polarised segments of society. His return could set the ground for the construction of much-needed political alternatives.
DISCLAIMER: Independentghana.com will not be liable for any inaccuracies contained in this article. The views expressed in the article are solely those of the author and do not reflect those of The Independent Ghana
A convener of the #FixTheCountry movement, Oliver Mawuse Barker-Vormawor, believes President Akufo-Addo must be forced out of office with two clear years to the end of his mandate.
But Barker-Vormawor, who is facing trial over a treason felony charge related to a coup d’etat comment early this year, holds that a military takeover will not be needed to oust the president.
He believes that street protests and or impeachment were the available means that could be used to oust Akufo-Addo because in his opinion, Akufo-Addo is not worth the price of a coup, that is terminating the current democratic dispensation.
In an October 19, 2022 Facebook post reacting to the arrest of Onua FM/TV’s Captain Smart over defamation charges, the lawyer by training stated:
“Captain Smart arrested violently by National Security over broadcast pointing the finger at the President for his involvement in and indulgence of Galamsey. This short man is just begging to be overthrown at this point.”
He authored a follow-up post to clarify the initial one, it read: “Because this issue keeps coming up every now and then, I want to be as clear as possible. I have no desire for Akufo-Addo to be kicked out through a coup d’etat! That will be ending our makeshift democracy. He is not worth the price.
“But he doesn’t deserve to end his term too. So What I want is for him to either be forced to resign through street protests and agitations; or impeached by Parliament.
“These are things that affirm our democracy not destroy it. Democracy is important to me! And it will be a huge coup to force him out of office that way,” he added.
Barker-Vormawor is currently before the courts over a post claiming he will stage a coup if the Electronic Transaction Levy (E-Levy) was passed.
Meanwhile, Captain Smart has been released by the NIB, his employers confirmed early Thursday morning.
It is alleged that he was arrested for claiming that President Akufo-Addo was involved in galamsey – a statement the Ministry of Information has debunked.
He appeared on his Onua Maakye show to reiterate the said allegations for which he was arrested, questioned and granted bail.
The two organisations have also asked the military junta to refrain from acts of violence and comply with a laid down process agreed with transition authorities to return the country to constitutional order by July 1, 2024.
This was contained in separate statements issued by ECOWAS Chairman, Guinea-Bissau’s President, Umaro Sissoco Embalo, and AU Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki Maham, at the weekend.
In the country’s second coup in a year, Burkina Faso military leader, Paul-Henri Damiba, was on Friday deposed as army Captain, Ibrahim Traore, took charge, dissolving the transitional government and suspending the constitution.
Traore said on Friday evening that the new group of officers removed Damiba due to his inability to deal with a worsening armed uprising in the country for which he initially toppled the civilian government.
“ECOWAS finds this new coup a major setback at a time when progress had been made, particularly through diplomacy and efforts undertaken to ensure an orderly return to constitutional order by 1st July 2024”, the ECOWAS statement said.
While reaffirming its “unreserved condemnation” of any seizure or retention of power by unconstitutional means, it demanded the scrupulous respect of the timetable already agreed upon with the Transition Authorities for a rapid return to constitutional order.
“ECOWAS hereby warns any institution, force or group of persons who, by their actions, may hinder the planned return to constitutional order or contribute to undermining the peace and stability of Burkina Faso and the Region.
“The ECOWAS Commission remains seized with developments in the country”, the statement said.
The AU statement extended the AU Chair’s support for ECOWAS and expressed his deep concern about the resurgence of unconstitutional changes of the government in Burkina Faso and elsewhere on the African Continent.
It said the support was in conformity with the Lomé Declaration of Year 2000, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and the Accra Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government.
The Chairperson called upon the military to immediately and totally refrain from any acts of violence or threats to the civilian population, civil liberties, human rights, and ensure strict compliance with electoral deadlines for the restoration of Constitutional order by 1 July 2024, at the latest.
“The Chairperson reaffirms the continued support of the African Union to the people of Burkina Faso to ensure peace, stability and development of the country,” the AU statement said.
Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the head of Burkina Faso’s new junta and the youngest leader in the country, is a combat-tested soldier who has grown increasingly critical of his predecessor’s “unsuccessful policies” against the Islamic State and al-Qaeda extremists.
Capt Traoré toppled Lt Col Paul-Henri Damiba on 30 September, marking the country’s second military coup this year that could slow down an eventual transition to civilian rule.
He was among a group of soldiers who backed Lt Col Damiba’s 24 January coup against democratically-elected President Roch Kaboré. However, eight months later, divisions emerged in the junta known as the Patriotic Movement for Preservation and Restoration (MPSR).
Various tactics applied by Lt Col Damiba’s interim military administration – including reforms to a pro-army self-defence force, the appointment of military governors to violence hotspots, and heightened operations in the north and east – have failed to curb deadly militant attacks against civilians and security forces.
According to conflict data analysts ACLED Info, Burkina Faso replaced neighbouring Mali as the epicentre of militant violence this year, leading to protests demanding Lt Col Damiba’s resignation.
While the counter-coup was surprising, Burkina Faso’s army has long grappled with mistrust and disaffection since the failed coup of 2015 that led to the disbandment of an elite force.
The morale of security forces has been further blighted by persistent insurgent attacks and poor working conditions, particularly in volatile borderlands.
In the immediate aftermath of Capt Traoré’s power grab, a war of wordsensued between his faction and that of Lt Col Damiba, raising fears of a violent power struggle.
Lt Col Damiba’s resignation on Sunday put Capt Traoré firmly in charge of a fragmented army struggling to face a brutal insurgency that continues to destabilise vast parts of Burkina Faso and the wider Sahel.
The French government has denied claims made by Burkina Faso’s new military junta that it is siding with deposed commander Lt. Col. Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba.
The statement was made by the juntaheaded by Captain Ibrahim Traore, which came to power on September 30, 2022, promising to restore stability throughout the country of West Africa.
According to an October 1, 2022 statement read on national TV, RTB, a member of the new junta, Sous-Lieutenant Jean-Baptiste Kabre, said the former leader of the MPSR – the name of the junta, had refused to leave power quietly.
Kabre alleged that Sandaogo Damiba was planning a “counter-offensive” and claimed further that he was doing this from a French base.
On Saturday, there were violent attacks against the French Embassy in Burkina Faso as protesters marched on the facility and threatened to burn it by lighting fires around the building
In an October 1, 2022 statement from the French Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs, France denied the allegation and said it was not hosting Damiba in any of its facilities.
“France formally denies any involvement in the events underway since yesterday in Burkina Faso.
“The camp where the French forces are located has never hosted Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, nor has our embassy,” the statement read.
Read the complete statement below:
STATEMENT BY THE SPOKESPERSON OF THE MINISTRY FOR EUROPE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Burkina Faso
October 1, 2022
France formally deniesany involvement in the events underway since yesterday in Burkina Faso.
The camp where the French forces are located has never hosted Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, nor has our embassy.
PRESS SERVICE
Spokesperson Sub-Directorate
New junta leader Captain Traore’s announced the takeover of executive power and deposition of Damiba, barely 10 months after the later seized power from democratically elected Christian Roch Marc Kabore.
The junta dissolved the government and the transitional national assembly as well as imposed a curfew and closed all the country’s borders.
The overthrow was premised on the continued deterioration of the insecurity situation even as terrorists continue to launch deadly raids on security forces and the local population.
ECOWAS and AU sound condemnation
The West African regional bloc, Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, has condemned the September 30, 2022 coup that took place in Burkina Faso, where a new military junta overthrew another.
What started out as an exchange of heavy gunfire on Friday morning was confirmed late in the evening with a broadcast on National TV announcing the takeover.
In a statement issued from the ECOWAS Commission hours after the announcement, the bloc said it firmly condemned the incident at a time the Sandaogo Damiba-led junta was making progress on an orderly return to constitutional order by July 1, 2024.
The junta said a new leader – civilian or military will be announced in due course, but before that, some measures put in place include the dissolution of the government, the Transitional Legislative Assembly (ALT), and the Transition Charter as well as the closure of borders.
The AU statement signed by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission was titled: ‘The Chairperson of the African Union Commission unequivocally condemns the second takeover of power by force in Burkina Faso,’ and it read:
“In strong support of ECOWAS, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, and in conformity with the Lomé Declaration of the Year 2000, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and the Accra Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government, expresses his deep concern about the resurgence of unconstitutional changes of Government in Burkina Faso and elsewhere on the African Continent.
“The Chairperson calls upon the military to immediately and totally refrain from any acts of violence or threats to the civilian population, civil liberties, human rights, and ensure strict compliance with electoral deadlines for the restoration of Constitutional order by 1 July 2024, at the latest.
“The Chairperson reaffirms the continued support of the African Union to the people of Burkina Faso to ensure peace, stability, and development of the country.”
On Friday night in Burkina Faso, armed soldiers wearing fatigues and masks came on television to confirm the overthrow of President Paul-Henri Damiba, the second coup in the unstable West African nation this year.
The announcement capped a day that began with gunfire near a military camp in the capital Ouagadougou, an explosion near the presidential palace, and interruptions to state television programming.
It is a pattern that has become increasingly familiar in West and Central Africa in the past two years as Islamist insurgents wreak havoc across the arid expanses of the Sahel region, killing thousands and eroding faith in weak governments that have not found a way to beat them back.
Mali, Chad, and Guinea have all seen coups since 2020, raising fears of a to backslide towards military rule in a region that had made democratic progress over the past decade.
Burkina Faso’s new leader is army Captain Ibrahim Traore. In a scene that replicated Damiba’s own power grab in a Jan. 24 coup, Traore appeared on television surrounded by soldiers and announced the government was dissolved, the constitution suspended and the borders closed. He declared a nightly curfew.
Damiba’s whereabouts were unknown on Friday evening.
Traore said a group of officers who helped Damiba seize power in January had decided to remove their leader due to his inability to deal with the Islamists. Damiba ousted former President Roch Kabore for the same reason.
“Faced with the deteriorating situation, we tried several times to get Damiba to refocus the transition on the security question,” said the statement signed by Traore and read out by another officer on television.
The statement said Damiba had rejected proposals by the officers to reorganise the army and instead continued with the military structure that had led to the fall of the previous regime.
